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Mẽbêngôkre (Kayapó)
Mẽbêngôkre kabẽn
Pronunciation[mẽbeŋoˈkɾɛ kaˈbɛ̃n]
Native toBrazil
RegionPará, Mato Grosso
EthnicityKayapó, Xikrin, formerly also Irã'ãmrãnhre
Native speakers
8,638 (2010)[1]
Dialects
  • Kayapó
  • Xikrin
Language codes
ISO 639-3txu
Glottologkaya1330
ELPMebengokre

Mẽbêngôkre, sometimes referred to as Kayapó (Mẽbêngôkre: Mẽbêngôkre kabẽn [mẽbeŋoˈkɾɛ kaˈbɛ̃n]) is a Northern Jê language (, Macro-Jê) spoken by the Kayapó and the Xikrin people in the north of Mato Grosso and Pará in Brazil.[2] There are around 8,600 native speakers since 2010 based on the 2015 Ethnologue 18th edition. Due to the number of speakers and the influence of Portuguese speakers, the language stands at a sixth level of endangerment; in which the materials for literacy and education in Mẽbêngôkre are very limited.

Ethnography

The Mẽbêngôkre language is currently spoken by two ethnic groups, the Kayapó and the Xikrin, which, besides sharing a language in common, both use the endonym Mẽbêngôkre (literally “those from the hole of the water”[3] "Although there are differences between the dialects spoken among the various ethnic groups, all recognize themselves as participants in a common culture."[4]) to refer to themselves and to their language.[5]:53 They are also sometimes regarded as major subdivisions of a single ethnic group, the Mẽbêngôkre.

The label Kayapó (also spelled Caiapó or Kayapô) has at times been used synonymously with Mẽbêngôkre in the literature — that is, it has been taken to refer both to the Kayapó (stricto sensu) and to the Xikrin, as well as to the linguistic varieties spoken by these groups. In order to avoid ambiguity (and further confusion with the Southern Kayapó, yet another ethnic group which spoke a not very closely related language of the Jê family), the term Mẽbêngôkre is preferred in this article (unless a reference is made to the Kayapó as opposed to the Xikrin). The term Kayapó, whose original reference was restricted to the aforementioned Southern Kayapó, is an exonym of unknown origin. It has been sometimes etymologized as a Tupi-Guarani word meaning “those who look like monkeys”,[6] but this has been disputed.[5]:91, fn. 41

The first historical records of the Mẽbêngôkre language and culture made by Westerners date back to the end of the 19th century, when the French explorer Henri Coudreau came in contact with the Mẽbêngôkre-speaking Irã'ãmrãnhre group. Some records were made by the missionaries who arrived to Brazil later in the century to Christianize the indigenous people. Known authors of that period include Father Sebastião and Reverend Horace Banner, who lived among another Mẽbêngôkre (Kayapó) group known as Gorotire between 1937 and 1951.[3] Although, “the Mebengokre [have been in] permanent contact with the surrounding non-indigenous population at various times, in most cases [there have been] catastrophic consequences.[2] The Irã'ãmrãnhre are now extinct, and the population of the Gorotire group decreased by 80% during the first years of contact. Following such brutal experiences, some small groups refused to be approached by investigators and remain uncontacted around the Xingu and Curuá rivers.

Since the exploration period, academic linguists and anthropologists have investigated the Mẽbêngôkre and have successfully acquired a body of knowledge about this indigenous group. Since the early writings on the grammar of Mẽbêngôkre by the Summer Institute of Linguistics missionaries Stout and Thomson (1974), multiple academic researchers have worked on the language, including Marília Ferreira,[7] Maria Amélia Reis Silva, Andrés Pablo Salanova, Lucivaldo Silva da Costa, and Edson de Freitas Gomes. A translation of the New Testament into Mẽbêngôkre was published in 1996, and there are literary works including myth and ritual stories and descriptions of the Mẽbêngôkre speaking communities.

Furthermore, the Brazilian organization ProDocult began a documentation project of the Kayapó language and culture in April 2009 and thus far have produced "150 hours of video recording, 15 hours of audio recording and more than 6,000 digital photos, in addition to ... films [containing] records of "culture" Mebengokre, and how could it be ... highly dynamic [in its] creative aspect."[8]

Phonology

The phonological inventory of Mẽbêngôkre is composed of 16 consonants and 17 vowels,[9] including oral and nasal vowels. Mẽbêngokre has a series of voiced oral stops, which makes it unique among the Northern Jê languages in employing the feature [voice] for establishing phonological oppositions. All other Northern Jê languages lost Proto-Northern Jê voiced obstruents through devoicing.[10]:85

Consonants

Labial Alveolar Palatal Velar Glottal
Voiceless stop p /p/ t /t/ x /t͡ʃ/ k /k/ /ʔ/
Voiced stop b /b/ d /d/ dj /d͡ʒ/ g /g/
Nasal m /m/ n /n/ nh /ɲ/ ng /ŋ/
Liquid w /w/ r /ɾ/ j /j/

The consonant /d/ (as in jaduj 'short', krwỳdy 'beak') is exceedingly rare; /t͡ʃ/ (as in xãn 'cat', jaxwe 'naughtly') is rare in the onset position. The consonant /ɾ/ in the coda position is always followed by an epenthetic echo vowel, which may be an exact copy of the preceding vowel or [i] (if the preceding vowel is /a/ or sometimes /ɔ ʌ/). That way, the words /paɾ/ 'his/her foot' and /puɾ/ 'garden' are pronounced [ˈpaɾi], [ˈpuɾu] (and written pari, puru).

Vowels

Oral Nasal
i /i/ y /ɯ/ u /u/ ĩ /ĩ/ /ɯ̃/ ũ /ũ/
ê /e/ /ɤ/ ô /o/ /ẽ/ õ /õ/
e /ɛ/ à /ʌ/ o /ɔ/ ã /ʌ̃/
a /a/ ã /ã/

The vowels /ã/ (as in mrã 'to walk', xãn 'cat') and /ũ/ (as in tũm 'old') are rare and mostly go back to earlier oral vowels /a/ and /u/ in certain environments. The vowel /ɯ̃/ (as in nhỹ 'to sit') is also somewhat rare.

In some analyses, Mẽbêngôkre has five diphthongs which occur word-finally only: uwa /uᵊ/, ija /iᵊ/, eje /ɛᵊ/, ôwa /oᵊ/, ĩja /ĩᵊ/. These are realized phonetically as [ˈuwa], [ˈija], [ˈɛjɛ], [ˈowa], [ˈĩj̃ã].[5]:69 Other authors analyze them as monophthongs followed by a glide (/w/ or /j/) in the coda position, which is followed by an epenthetic echo vowel. Some examples follow.

Diphthongs alternatively analyzed as sequences of vowels and glides
spelling pronunciation diphthong analysis vowel + glide analysis translation
muwa [ˈmuwa] /muᵊ/ /muw/ to cry
kruwa [ˈkɾuwa] /kɾuᵊ/ /kɾuw/ arrow
krija [ˈkɾija] /kɾiᵊ/ /kɾij/ to raise (pets)
ngija [ˈŋija] /ŋiᵊ/ /ŋij/ large American opossum
jabeje [jaˈbɛjɛ] /jabɛᵊ/ /jabɛj/ to look for
ngrôwa [ˈŋɾowa] /ŋɾoᵊ/ /ŋɾow/ moriche palm
wapĩja [waˈpĩj̃ã] /wapĩᵊ/ /wapĩj/ black caracara
onĩja or nĩjari [ɔˈnĩj̃ã], [ˈnĩj̃ãɾi] /ɔ=nĩᵊ/, /nĩᵊ-ɾi/ /ɔ=nĩj/, /nĩj-ɾi/ far (Kayapó dialect)

Syllable structure

The maximal syllable structure of Mẽbêngôkre is /CCCVC/. Any consonant may occur as a simple onset. Complex onsets may by formed by a combination of one of /p b m k ŋ/ and one of /ɾ j/ (pr-, br-, mr-, kr-, ngr-, pj-, mj-, bj-, kj-, ngj-); /t n ɾ t͡ʃ d͡ʒ ɲ k ŋ kɾ ŋɾ/ can also combine with /w/ (tw-, nw-, rw-, xw-, djw-, nhw-, kw-, ngw-, krw-, ngrw-). The coda may be any of /p t t͡ʃ k m n ɲ ɾ j/ (in analyses which do not recognize the existence of diphthongs, also /w/).

Stress

In Mẽbêngôkre, the stress is fixed on the final underlying syllable. Epenthetic vowels (echo vowels) are absent from the phonological representation and are thus unstressed (as in pari /paɾ/ [ˈpaɾi] 'his/her foot'). In diphthongs, the leftmost element is stressed (as in ngija /ŋiᵊ/ [ˈŋija] 'skunk'). The diminutive clitic -re is unstressed, as in ngôre [ˈŋoɾɛ] 'his/her louse'.

Morphology

Finiteness morphology

As in all other Northern Jê languages, Mẽbêngôkre verbs inflect for finiteness and thus have a basic opposition between a finite form and a nonfinite form. Finite forms are used in matrix clauses only, whereas nonfinite forms are used in all types of subordinate clauses as well as in some matrix clauses (with a particular aspectual interpretation). The morphology associated with the finite/nonfinite distinction includes suffixation and/or prefix substitution.[9] Some verbs lack an overt finiteness distinction.

The following nonfinite suffixes occur in the language: -rV (the most common option, found in many transitive and intransitive verbs) and its allomorph -n (following front nasal vowels), -nh (found chiefly in transitive verbs), as well as -k, -m, and -x (found in a handful of intransitive verbs).

Nonfinite suffixes in Mẽbêngôkre
finite nonfinite gloss
suffix -rV
to go (plural)
karê karê to weed
kuno kunoro to chase
kato katoro to exit
muwa mỳrỳ to cry
suffix -n
krẽ krẽn to eat (singular)
n to kill (singular)
suffix -nh
mrã mrãnh to walk
djumjã djumjãnh to chew
kwỹrỹ kwỹnh to break
nhu nhunh to dry in the sun
kadjô kadjônh to tear
suffix -k
ty tyk to die
ruwa ~ rwỳ rwỳk to descend
suffix -m
tẽ tẽm to go (singular)
ikõ m to drink
dja djãm to stand (singular)
suffix -x
wangija ŋgjêx to enter (plural)

In a handful of verbs, all of which end in an underlying stop, the nonfinite form does not receive any overt suffixes, but it is nevertheless distinct from the finite form because the latter lenites the stem-final consonant (-t, -k-rV, -rV).[11]:544

Nonfinite suffixes in Mẽbêngôkre
finite nonfinite gloss
xêt to burn
ngõ nhõt to sleep
kari kak to cough
djukrari djukrak to belch
pôk to burn, to ignite
ajkjê jajkjêk to yawn

Erstwhile palatalizing prefix

A small set of verbs form their nonfinite forms by employing one of the aforementioned processes and a morphophonological process whereby the onset of the stressed syllable changes to dj, , or is deleted, whereas the nucleus of the stressed syllable is raised (if possible). This has been attributed to the influence of an underlying palatalizing nonfinite prefix in Proto-Northern Jê.[11]

Erstwhile palatalizing prefix in Mẽbêngôkre
finite nonfinite gloss
kaba kadjà to extract (singular)
ga djà to roast (singular)
kuto (pl. jato) kuônh (pl. jaônh) to ignite
katwỳ ka’uk to grind, to pound
kate ka’êk to break into pieces
kujate kujaêk to push, to move away
ngõrõ nhõt to sleep
ngã nhõ (Kayapó), nhã (Xikrin) to give
(krã)ta (krã)yry to cut off (singular)
anẽ anhỹrỹ to do so, to say so

Prefix substitution or loss

In addition to the aforementioned processes, the finiteness inflection may involve prefix substitution or loss. For example, the valency-reducing prefixes are a(j)- (anticausative) and a- (antipassive) in finite verb forms, but bi- and djà-/dju-, respectively, in the nonfinite forms.[9]:54–5 In addition, some verbs which denote physiological activities or movement have a prefix (i- and wa-, respectively) in their finite forms but not in the nonfinite form.

Finiteness and prefix alternations
in Mẽbêngôkre
finite nonfinite gloss
anticausatives
ajkadjô bikadjônh to tear (anticausative)
abdju bibdjuru to hide (anticausative)
akuno biknoro to get lost
antipassives
aptà djàptàrà to block
a djàbôrô to whistle
ajarẽ djujarẽnh to tell, to narrate
physiological verbs
i kõm to drink
itu turu to urinate
ikuwa kwỳrỳ to defecate
i pêk to fart
movement verbs
wajêt jêt to hang (singular)
wadjà djàrà to enter (singular)
wangija ngjêx to enter (plural)

Person inflection and case

In Mẽbêngôkre, postpositions, and relational nouns inflect for person of their internal argument by taking absolutive or accusative person prefixes. The accusative series is required by a subclass of transitive verbs (in finite clauses only) as well as by some postpositions; the absolutive series is the default one and is found with most transitive and all intransitive verbs in finite clauses, with all verbs in nonfinite clauses, with all relational nouns, and with some postpositions. External arguments of verbs are not indexed by person prefixes but are rather encoded by nominative (unmarked) noun phrases (including personal pronouns) in finite clauses, or by ergative phrases in nonfinite clauses. In nouns, nominative, absolutive and accusative are unmarked, whereas the ergative case is marked by the ergative postposition te.

The person prefixes which index the internal argument of verbs, postpositions, and nouns are as follows.[12]:41

Absolutive Accusative
SG PAUC PL SG PAUC PL
1st exclusive i- ari i- mẽ i- i- ari i- mẽ i-
1st inclusive ɡu ba- ɡuaj ba- (gu) mẽ ba- ɡu ba- ɡuaj ba- (gu) mẽ ba-
2nd a- ari a- mẽ a- a- ari a- mẽ a-
3rd Ø- (+ elision
of a stem-initial
dj-/j-/nh-)
ari Ø- (+ elision
of a stem-initial
dj-/j-/nh-)
mẽ Ø- (+ elision
of a stem-initial
dj-/j-/nh-)
ku- ari ku- mẽ ku-

The nominative and ergative forms of the pronouns are as follows.[12]:40–1

Nominative Ergative
SG PAUC PL SG PAUC PL
1st exclusive ba ba ari ba mẽ ije ari ije mẽ ije
1st inclusive ɡu ɡuaj ɡu mẽ ɡu baje ɡuaj baje (gu) mẽ baje
2nd ɡa ɡa ari ɡa mẽ aje ari aje mẽ aje
3rd Ø ari mẽ kute ari kute mẽ kute

The pronouns have also an emphatic form, which is used when a pronoun is focalized and can also be considered a grammatical case on its own.

Emphatic
SG PAUC PL
1st exclusive ba ari ba mẽ ba
1st inclusive ɡu ba ɡuaj ba ɡu mẽ ba
2nd ɡa ari ɡa mẽ ɡa
3rd Ø ari mẽ

Nominative case

The nominative case expresses the subject of a transitive or intransitive verb.

 Arỳm		nẽ	ba	ari	i-tẽ-m		mã.
 Already	NFUT	1NOM	PAUC	1ABS-go.SG-NF	DAT
 ‘We are leaving.’

Ergative case

The ergative case marks the agent of a transitive verb in a nonfinite form and may cooccur with a nominative pronoun expressing the same participant.

 Djàm	nẽ	ga	aje	∅-omũ-nh	kêt?
 INT	NFUT	2.NOM	2ERG	3ABS-see-NF	NEG
 ‘Don’t you see it?’

Absolutive case

In nonfinite clauses, the absolutive case encodes the sole participant (subject) in intransitive verbs and the patient in transitive verbs.

 ∅-Wỳ-rỳ	mã	nẽ	tẽ.
 3ABS-bathe-NF	DAT	NFUT	go.SG.F
 ‘She/he is bathing / going to bathe.’

It is also used to encode the patient of some transitive verbs in their finite form (except for monosyllabic verbs compatible with overt nonfiniteness morphology, which take accusative objects), as well as the possessors of nouns and the complements of some postpositions.

Accusative case

The accusative case encodes the patient of monosyllabic transitive verbs compatible with overt nonfiniteness morphology in finite clauses.

 Arỳm		nẽ	ba	ku-ma.
 already	NFUT	1NOM	3ACC-listen/hear.F
 ‘I heard it already.’

Voice

In Mẽbêngôkre, transitive verbs may be detransitivized by means of an anticausative or an antipassive derivation. The anticausative marker is the prefix a(j)- in the finite form and the prefix bi- in the nonfinite form of the verb. The antipassive derivation is achieved by means of the prefix a- in the finite form and the prefix djà- or dju- in the nonfinite form of the verb.[13]

Voice alternations in Mẽbêngôkre
transitive intransitivized gloss
anticausatives
pudju abdju / bibdjuru to hide (transitive) → to hide (anticausative)
kamẽ ajkamẽ / bikamẽnh to push → to move away
kuno akuno / biknoro to chase → to get lost
antipassives
jarẽ ajarẽ / djujarẽnh to say → to narrate
ku aku / djàkuru to eat.PL → to eat.ANTP
ma — / djumari to hear (something) → to listen

Derivational morphology

Diminutive and augmentative

Mẽbêngôkre makes use of a diminutive suffix -re (which is always unstressed; after -t it has the allomorph -e, and after nasals it surfaces as -ne) and of an augmentative suffix -ti (which is always stressed). These attach to nouns and abundantly occur in the names of animal and plant species. The combination of -ti and -re is used in a number of nouns which denote human collectives, such as Gorotire and Mẽtyktire (names of Mẽbêngôkre subdivisions).

Non-productive affixes

In Mẽbêngôkre, many predicates appear to contain fossilized prefixes of different shapes (such as ka-, nhõ-, ku-, py-/pu-, ja-, dju-, nhĩ-), whose semantic contribution is not always straightforward. These have been variously referred to as classifiers[14]:100 or transitivity prefixes.[11]:539–40

Reduplication

Reduplication may be used to convey repeated action and possibly transitivity, as in the following examples:[13]

totyktyk ‘to strike repeatedly’ totyk ‘to strike’
kyjkyj ‘to make many scratches’ kyj ‘a scratch or cut’
krãkrãk ‘to swallow’ tokrãk ‘to swallow at once’

In some verbs, such as prõrprõt ‘to float up and down’, the final consonant of the reduplicated base changes from a stop /t/ to a rhotic /ɾ/.

Syntax

Mẽbêngôkre is a head-final language.

Morphosyntactic alignment

Prototypically, finite matrix clauses in Mẽbêngôkre have a nominative–accusative alignment pattern, whereby the agents of transitive verbs (A) and the sole arguments of intransitive verbs (S) receive the nominative case, whereas the patients of transitive verbs (P) receive the absolutive or the accusative case, which has been described as an instance of a split-P alignment.[10]:272 There are only several dozen of transitive verbs which take an accusative patient, all of which are monosyllabic[14]:30–2 and have distinct finite and nonfinite forms. It has been suggested that all transitive verbs which satisfy both conditions (monosyllabicity and a formal finiteness distinction), and only them, select for accusative patients,[11]:538 while all remaining transitive verbs take absolutive patients in Mẽbêngôkre and other Northern Jê languages.

Nonfinite clauses (including all embedded clauses) are headed by nonfinite verbs and are ergatively organized: the agents of transitive verbs (A) are encoded by ergative postpositional phrases, whereas the patients of transitive verbs (P) and the sole arguments of all intransitive predicates (S) receive the absolutive case.[14][15]

Classes of predicates

The following table summarizes the proposed classes of predicates in Mẽbêngôkre.[15]

argument structure in finite clauses type examples
ANOM PACC transitive verb (ku-class) krẽ ‘to eat’ (singular)'
ANOM PABS transitive verb (default) ’ôk ‘to paint’
SNOM intransitive verb tẽ ‘to go’ (singular)
SABS relational noun ngryk ‘angry’
ExpDAT absolute noun + dative experiencer prãm ‘to be hungry’
ExpDAT StimulusABS relational noun + dative experiencer kĩnh ‘to like’

Transitive verbs

In Mẽbêngôkre, transitive verbs take accusative or absolutive patients in finite clauses, depending on the verb class. In nonfinite clauses, all transitive verbs take absolutive patients. Note that nouns do not receive any overt marking either in the accusative or in the absolutive case; the difference between these two cases is seen in the third person index, which takes the form ku- in the accusative case and ∅- in the absolutive case.

The transitive verbs which index their patient in the accusative case (in finite clauses) are known as ku-verbs. All ku-verbs are monosyllabic and have distinct finite and nonfinite forms. The remaining transitive verbs index their patient in the absolutive case. All verbs that belong to this class satisfy at least one of the following conditions:

  • they contain at least two syllables (for example, pumũ ‘to see’, kaô ‘to suck’, ku’õ ‘to wash (solid objects)’),
  • their finite and nonfinite forms are identical (for example, ’ôk ‘to paint’, kre ‘to plant’, djũn ‘to insult’).

Finite ku- verbs further differ from all other transitive verbs in that under certain circumstances they index their agent (rather than patient) on the verb. This happens when a second-person agent acts over a third-person patient:[12]:55–6

 Ga	a-bĩ.
 2NOM	2ACC-kill.SG.F
 ‘You killed it.’

Intransitive verbs

Semantics

Instruments, locations, and prototypical agents

Mẽbêngôkre extensively uses the nouns djà ‘container’ and djwỳnh ‘owner, master’ to denote instruments (or locations) and prototypical agents, respectively, as in idjàkuru djà ‘eating utensils; eating place; food’ (literally ‘the container of my eating’) or pi’ôk jarẽnh djwỳnh ‘teacher’ (literally ‘the owner of the telling of the book’). These nouns attach to the nonfinite (nominal) forms of verbs or to other nouns, and express meanings that in other languages are frequently conveyed by special kinds of nominalizations.[14]:88

Tense and aspect

In Mẽbêngôkre, there is no morphological distinction between present and past, the completion or continuation of an action is determined by the narrative context. Aspectual distinctions may be conveyed by auxiliaries or by using a nonfinite form of a verb in an unembedded clause. The following sentence shows the role of verbal finiteness when determining aspect:[14]:89–90

 Krwỳj		jã	nẽ	môp	krẽ.
 parakeet	DEM	NFUT	yam	eat.SG.F
 ‘This parakeet eats/ate (the) yam.’
 Krwỳj		jã	nẽ	ku-te	môp	krẽn.
 parakeet	DEM	NFUT	3-ERG	yam	eat.SG.NF
 ‘This parakeet has eaten yam (at least once in its life).’

In the semantic interpretation of the first example, the position of the event with respect to the time of the utterance can only be determined by narrative context. In contrast, the occurrence of the nonfinite form of the verb in the second example makes the event not "anaphoric to discourse, but rather coterminous with the subject’s lifespan (mutatis mutandis for inanimate subjects). This interpretation has been variously described as “stative” or “subject-oriented” (in the sense that it ascribes a property to the subject, rather than focusing on the event itself) in the descriptive literature.”[16]

Vocabulary

Kinship terms

Mẽbêngôkre has triadic kinship terms, which express at the same time the relation of a given referent both to the speaker and the addressee.[17]

Loanwords

Mẽbêngôkre has been in contact with the distantly related Karajá language, as evidence by a number of Karajá loanwords in Mẽbêngôkre, especially in the dialect spoken by the Xikrin group; the source of these loanwords is thought to be the Xambioá dialect. There are also loans from the Tupian languages Yudjá (Jurunan group) and Língua Geral Amazônica (Tupi-Guarani group), as well as from a hypothetical extinct Northern Jê language. More recently, lexical borrowings have been adopted from Brazilian Portuguese. Examples include:[18]:13[5]

Loanwords in Mẽbêngôkre
Mẽbêngôkre word gloss source form gloss
Loans from Karajá
warikoko (Kayapó dialect)
watkoko (Xikrin dialect)
tobacco pipe werikòkò (wèrikòkò, warikòkò) (female speech) tobacco pipe
rara kind of basket lala kind of basket
wiwi song, chant wii (Xambioá and North Karajá dialects, male speech) Example
bikwa relative, friend bikòwa (female speech) relative, friend
bero puba flour bèrò puba flour
rorirori kind of headdress lòrilòri kind of headdress
warabaê kind of basket wrabahu ~ wrabahi ~ wrabahy kind of basket
waxi (Xikrin dialect) fishing line waxi fishhook
benorã (Xikrin dialect) Cichla monoculus bènora Cichla monoculus
awo tree sp. (Xikrin dialect)
ubá boat (Irã'ãmrãnhre dialect)
awò (Xambioá dialect, male speech) canoe
ixe (Kayapó dialect)
ixere (Xikrin dialect)
mirror itxèrèna mirror
Loans from Yudjá
karaxu spoon karaxu spoon
awa bird sp. (Troglodytidae) uxixi auahanu Campylorhynchus turdinus
Loans from Língua Geral Amazônica
môtôbi’y (Xikrin dialect) peanut mũnduβi peanut
xãn domestic cat piʃãna domestic cat
mokà bag made of tucum fiber #mboko kind of bag
xoko rufescent tiger heron soko heron
Loans from an unidentified Tupi-Guarani language (dubious)
’ôkti, ’ôkre kind of potato #ʔok tuber
jaduj short #jatu-ʔi short (diminutive)
Loans from a hypothetical extinct Northern Jê language
karinhô tobacco #kariɲo (< *karên-cô) tobacco leaf
xururu black-fronted nunbird #tʃuɾuɾ (< *ĵôrôr) black-fronted nunbird
Loans from Brazilian Portuguese
kape coffee café coffee
kaĩ wheelbarrow carrinho wheelbarrow, cart
kratô tractor trator tractor
kubẽta blanket coberta blanket
xibôrô onion cebola onion
mukutêru mosquito net mosquiteiro mosquito net
mikrôni minivan micro-ônibus minivan
mãmãj mother mamãe mom
papaj father papai dad
wowo grandmother vovó grandma
wôwô grandfather vovô grandpa
xiw uncle tio uncle
xija aunt tia aunt
paku (Kayapó dialect) pacu pacu pacu

References

  1. ^ Mẽbêngôkre (Kayapó) at Ethnologue (18th ed., 2015)
  2. ^ a b Salanova, Andres. "Mebengokre". Retrieved 30 September 2016.
  3. ^ a b Verswijver, Gustaff. "Kayapó." Enciclopédia dos Povos Indígenas no Brasil. 2002. <https://pib.socioambiental.org/en/povo/Kayapô/print> Accessed 30 September 2016.
  4. ^ “Kayapô/Mebengokre” Encontro Do Culturas. 2012.<http://www.encontrodeculturas.com.br/2012/artista/Kayapô-mebengokre> Accessed 30 September 2016.
  5. ^ a b c d Salanova, Andrés Pablo; Nikulin, Andrey (2020). "A história que conta o léxico Mẽbêngôkre". Revista de Letras Norte@mentos. 13 (33): 52–106.
  6. ^ Turner, Terence. “Os Mebengokre Kayapô: Historia E Mudança Social, De comunidades autónomas para a coexistência interétnica.” 1992. Translated by Beatriz Moises. <http://etnolinguistica.wdfiles.com/local--files/hist%3Ap311-338/p311-338_Turner_Os_Mebengokre_Kayapô.pdf> Accessed 30 September 2016.
  7. ^ Ferreira Borges, Marília (1995). "Aspectos morfossintáticos das relações genitivas na língua Kayapó". Moara. 4: 77–82.
  8. ^ Kayapó." ProDocult. 2015.<http://prodocult.museudoindio.gov.br/etnias/Kayapô/projeto> Accessed 30 September 2016.
  9. ^ a b c Salanova, Andrés Pablo (May 2001). A nasalidade em Mebengokre e Apinayé: O limite do vozeamento soante (PDF) (MA thesis). Campinas: Universidade Estadual de Campinas.
  10. ^ a b Nikulin, Andrey (2020). Proto-Macro-Jê: um estudo reconstrutivo (PDF) (Ph.D. dissertation). Brasília: Universidade de Brasília.
  11. ^ a b c d Nikulin, Andrey; Salanova, Andrés Pablo (October 2019). "Northern Jê Verb Morphology and the Reconstruction of Finiteness Alternations". International Journal of American Linguistics. 85 (4): 533–567. doi:10.1086/704565.
  12. ^ a b c Reis Silva, Maria Amélia (August 2001). Pronomes, ordem e ergatividade em Mebengokre (Kayapó) (PDF) (MA thesis). Campinas: Universidade Estadual de Campinas.
  13. ^ a b Salanova, Andrés Pablo (2014). "Reduplication and verbal number in Mẽbengokre". In Gómez, Gale Goodwin; van der Voort, Hein (eds.). Reduplication in Indigenous Languages of South America. Leiden: Koninklijke Brill NV. pp. 247–272. ISBN 978-90-04-27240-8.
  14. ^ a b c d e Salanova, Andrés Pablo (2007). Nominalizations and aspect (Ph.D. dissertation). Cambridge, MA: Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Linguistics and Philosophy. hdl:1721.1/41697.
  15. ^ a b Salanova, Andrés Pablo (2008). "Uma análise unificada das construções ergativas do Mẽbengokre" (PDF). Amerindia. 33: 109–34.
  16. ^ Salanova, Andrés Pablo. "The building blocks of aspectual interpretation". In Deal, Amy Rose (ed.). Proceedings of Semantics of Under-represented languages of the Americas (SULA) IV (PDF). Amherst: GLSA. pp. 215–29.
  17. ^ Lea, Vanessa (14 March 2012). "Aguçando o entendimento dos ter mos triádicos Mẽbengôkre via aborígenes australianos: dialogando com Merlan e outros". LIAMES: Línguas Indígenas Americanas. 4 (1): 29. doi:10.20396/liames.v4i1.1421.
  18. ^ Ribeiro, Eduardo Rivail (2012). A grammar of Karajá (Ph.D. dissertation). Chicago: University of Chicago.

See also


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