wanweipedia

Tai languages

Tai
Zhuang–Thai
Geographic
distribution
Southern China (esp. Guangxi, Guizhou, Yunnan and Guangdong), Southeast Asia, north-east India)
Linguistic classificationKra–Dai
  • Be–Tai ?
    • Tai
Proto-languageProto-Tai
Subdivisions
ISO 639-2 / 5tai
Glottologdaic1237
Taikadai-en1.png
Distribution of Tai languages:
 Northern Tai / Northern Zhuang
 Central Tai / Southern Zhuang
 Southwestern Tai / Thai

The Tai or Zhuang–Tai[1] languages (Thai: ภาษาไท or ภาษาไต, transliteration: p̣hās̛̄āthay or p̣hās̛̄ātay), are a branch of the Kra–Dai language family. The Tai languages include the most widely spoken of the Tai–Kadai languages, including Standard Thai or Siamese, the national language of Thailand; Lao or Laotian, the national language of Laos; Myanmar's Shan language; and Zhuang, a major language in the Southern Chinese province of Guangxi.

Name

Cognates with the name Tai (Thai, Dai, etc.) are used by speakers of many Tai languages. The term Tai is now well-established as the generic name in English. In his book The Tai-Kadai Languages Anthony Diller claims that Lao scholars he has met are not pleased with Lao being regarded as a Tai language.[2] For some, Thai should instead be considered a member of the Lao language family.[2] One or more Ancient Chinese characters for 'Lao' may be cited in support of this alternative appellation.[2] Some scholars including Benedict (1975), have used Thai to refer to a wider (Tai) grouping and one sees designations like proto-Thai and Austro-Thai in earlier works.[2] In the institutional context in Thailand, and occasionally elsewhere, sometimes Tai (and its corresponding Thai-script spelling, without a final -y symbol) is used to indicate varieties in the language family not spoken in Thailand or spoken there only as the result of recent immigration.[2] In this usage Thai would not then be considered a Tai language.[2] On the other hand, Gedney, Li and others have preferred to call the standard language of Thailand Siamese rather than Thai, perhaps to reduce potential Thai/Tai confusion, especially among English speakers not comfortable with making a non-English initial unaspirated voiceless initial sound for Tai, which in any event might sound artificial or arcane to outsiders.

According to Michel Ferlus, the ethnonyms Tai/Thai (or Tay/Thay) would have evolved from the etymon *k(ə)ri: 'human being' through the following chain: kəri: > kəli: > kədi:/kədaj (-l- > -d- shift in tense sesquisyllables and probable diphthongization of -i: > -aj).[3][4] This in turn changed to di:/daj (presyllabic truncation and probable diphthongization -i: > -aj). And then to *dajA (Proto-Southwestern Tai) > tʰajA2 (in Siamese and Lao) or > tajA2 (in the other Southwestern and Central Tai languages by Li Fangkuei). Michel Ferlus' work is based on some simple rules of phonetic change observable in the Sinosphere and studied for the most part by William H. Baxter (1992).[4]

The Central Tai languages are called Zhuang in China and Tay and Nung in Vietnam.

History

Map showing linguistic family tree overlaid on a geographic distribution map of the Tai family. This map only shows general pattern of the migration of Tai-speaking tribes, not specific routes, which would have snaked along the rivers and over the lower passes.

Citing the fact that both the Zhuang and Thai peoples have the same exonym for the Vietnamese, kɛɛuA1,[a] Jerold A. Edmondson of the University of Texas at Arlington posited that the split between Zhuang (a Central Tai language) and the Southwestern Tai languages happened no earlier than the founding of Jiaozhi in Vietnam in 112 BCE but no later than the 5th-6th century AD.[5] Based on layers of Chinese loanwords in Proto-Southwestern Tai and other historical evidence, Pittayawat Pittayaporn (2014) suggests that the dispersal of Southwestern Tai must have begun sometime between the 8th and 10th centuries AD.[6]

Connection to ancient Yue language(s)

The Tai languages descend from proto-Tai-Kadai, which has been hypothesized to originate in the Lower Yangtze valleys. Ancient Chinese texts refer to non-Sinitic languages spoken cross this substantial region and their speakers as "Yue". Although those languages are extinct, traces of their existence could be found in unearthed inscriptional materials, ancient Chinese historical texts and non-Han substrata in various Southern Chinese dialects. Thai, as the most-spoken language in the Tai-Kadai language family, has been used extensively in historical-comparative linguistics to identify the origins of language(s) spoken in the ancient region of South China. One of the very few direct records of non-Sinitic speech in pre-Qin and Han times having been preserved so far is the "Song of the Yue Boatman" (Yueren Ge 越人歌), which was transcribed phonetically in Chinese characters in 528 BC, and found in the 善说 Shanshuo chapter of the Shuoyuan 说苑 or 'Garden of Persuasions'. In the early 80's the Zhuang linguist Wei Qingwen using reconstructed Old Chinese for the characters discovered that the resulting vocabulary showed strong resemblance to modern Zhuang.[7] Later, Zhengzhang Shangfang (1991) followed Wei's insight but used Thai orthography for comparison, since this orthography dates from the 13th century and preserves archaisms vis-à-vis the modern pronunciation.[8] The following is a simplified interpretation of the "Song of the Yue Boatman" by Zhengzhang Shangfang quoted by David Holm (2013) with Thai script and Chinese glosses being omitted.[9] The upper row represents the original text, the next row the Old Chinese pronunciation, the third a transcription of written Thai, and the fourth line English glosses. Finally, there is Zhengzhang's English translation.

 
ɦgraams ɦee brons tshuuʔ ɦgraams
glamx ɦee blɤɤn cɤɤ, cɤʔ glamx
evening ptl. joyful to meet evening
Oh, the fine night, we meet in happiness tonight!
la thjang < khljang gaah draag la thjang tju < klju
raa djaangh kraʔ - ʔdaak raa djaangh cɛɛu
we, I be apt to shy, ashamed we, I be good at to row
I am so shy, ah! I am good at rowing.
𩜱 胥 胥
tju khaamʔ tju jen ɦaa dzin sa
cɛɛu khaamx cɛɛu jɤɤnh ɦaa djɯɯnh saʔ
to row to cross to row slowly ptl. joyful satisfy, please
Rowing slowly across the river, ah! I am so pleased!
moons la ɦaa tjau < kljau daans dzin lo
mɔɔm raa ɦaa caux daanh djin ruux
dirty, ragged we, I ptl. prince Your Excellency acquainted know
Dirty though I am, ah! I made acquaintance with your highness the Prince.
srɯms djeʔ < gljeʔ sɦloi gaai gaa
zumh caï rɯaih graih gaʔ
to hide heart forever, constantly to yearn ptl.
Hidden forever in my heart, ah! is my adoration and longing.
Map of the Chinese plain at the start of the Warring States Period in the 5th century BC, showing the locations of the states of Yue and Wu.

Besides this classical case, various papers in historical linguistics have employed Tai languages for comparative purposes in studying the linguistic landscape of the ancient region of Southern China. Proto-reconstructions of some scattered non-Sinitic words found in the two ancient Chinese fictional texts, Mu tianzi zhuan 穆天子傳 (4th c. B.C.) and Yuejue shu 越絕書 (1st c. A.D.), are used to compare to various Tai languages, in an attempt to identify the origins of those words. The following examples are cited from Wolfgang Behr's work (2002):

  • "吳謂善「伊」, 謂稻道「缓」, 號從中國, 名從主人。"[10]

"The say for 'good' and huăn for 'way', i.e. in their titles they follow the central kingdoms, but in their names they follow their own lords."

< MC ʔjij < OC *bq(l)ij ← Siamese diiA1, Longzhou dai1, Bo'ai nii1 Daiya li1, Sipsongpanna di1, Dehong li6 < proto-Tai *ʔdɛiA1 | Sui ʔdaai1, Kam laai1, Maonan ʔdaai1, Mak ʔdaai6 < proto-Kam-Sui/proto-Kam-Tai *ʔdaai1 'good'

缓 [huăn] < MC hwanX < OC *awan ← Siamese honA1, Bo'ai hɔn1, Dioi thon1 < proto-Tai *xronA1| Sui khwən1-i, Kam khwən1, Maonan khun1-i, Mulam khwən1-i < proto-Kam-Sui *khwən1 'road, way' | proto-Hlai *kuun1 || proto-Austronesian *Zalan (Thurgood 1994:353)

  • yuè jué shū 越絕書 (The Book of Yuè Records), 1st c. A.D.[11]

jué < MC dzjwet < OC *bdzot ← Siamese codD1 'to record, mark' (Zhengzhang Shangfang 1999:8)

  • "姑中山者越銅官之山也, 越人謂之銅, 「姑[沽]瀆」。"[11]

"The Middle mountains of are the mountains of the Yuè's bronze office, the Yuè people call them 'Bronze gū[gū]dú'."

「姑[沽]瀆」 gūdú < MC ku=duwk < OC *aka=alok

← Siamese kʰauA1 'horn', Daiya xau5, Sipsongpanna xau1, Dehong xau1, xău1, Dioi kaou1 'mountain, hill' < proto-Tai *kʰauA2; Siamese luukD2l 'classifier for mountains', Siamese kʰauA1-luukD2l 'mountain' || cf. OC < kuwk << *ak-lok/luwk < *akə-lok/yowk < *blok 'valley'

  • "越人謂船爲「須盧」。"[12]

"... The Yuè people call a boat xūlú. ('beard' & 'cottage')"

< MC sju < OC *bs(n)o

? ← Siamese saʔ 'noun prefix'

< MC lu < OC *bra

← Siamese rɯaA2, Longzhou lɯɯ2, Bo'ai luu2, Daiya 2, Dehong 2 'boat' < proto-Tai *drɯ[a,o] | Sui lwa1/ʔda1, Kam lo1/lwa1, Be zoa < proto-Kam-Sui *s-lwa(n)A1 'boat'

  • "[劉]賈築吳市西城, 名曰「定錯」城。"[13]

"[Líu] Jiă (the king of Jīng 荆) built the western wall, it was called dìngcuò ['settle(d)' & 'grindstone'] wall."

dìng < MC dengH < OC *adeng-s

← Siamese diaaŋA1, Daiya tʂhəŋ2, Sipsongpanna tseŋ2 'wall'

cuò < MC tshak < OC *atshak

? ← Siamese tokD1s 'to set→sunset→west' (tawan-tok 'sun-set' = 'west'); Longzhou tuk7, Bo'ai tɔk7, Daiya tok7, Sipsongpanna tok7 < proto-Tai *tokD1s ǀ Sui tok7, Mak tok7, Maonan tɔk < proto-Kam-Sui *tɔkD1

Internal classification

Haudricourt (1956)

Haudricourt[14] emphasizes the specificity of Dioi (Zhuang) and proposes to make a two-way distinction between the following two sets. The original language names used in Haudricourt's (1956) are provided first; alternative names are given in parentheses.

Tai  

Tai proper: Ahom, Shan, Siamese (Thai), Lao, White Tai (Tai Dón), Black Tai (Tai Dam), Southern Zhuang, Tho (Tày), Nung

Dioi group: Yei Zhuang, Yongbei Zhuang, Youjiang Zhuang, Bouyei (Buyi)

Characteristics of the Dioi group pointed out by Haudricourt are (i) a correspondence between r- in Dioi and the lateral l- in the other Tai languages, (ii) divergent characteristics of the vowel systems of the Dioi group: e.g. 'tail' has a /a/ vowel in Tai proper, as against /ə̄/ in Bo-ai, /iə/ in Tianzhou, and /ɯə/ in Tianzhou and Wuming, and (iii) the lack, in the Dioi group, of aspirated stops and affricates, which are found everywhere in Tai proper.

As compared with Li Fang-kuei's classification, Haudricourt's classification amounts to consider Li's Southern Tai and Central Tai as forming a subgroup, of which Southwestern Tai is a sister: the three last languages in Haudricourt's list of 'Tai proper' languages are Tho (Tày), Longzhou, and Nung, which Li classifies as 'Central Tai'.

Tai 

Northern Tai

Central Tai

Southwestern Tai

Li (1977)

Li Fang-Kuei divided Tai into Northern, Central, and Southwestern (Thai) branches. However, Central Tai does not appear to be a valid group. Li (1977) proposes a tripartite division of Tai into three sister branches. This classification scheme has long been accepted as the standard one in the field of comparative Tai linguistics.

Tai 

Northern Tai

Central Tai

Southwestern Tai

Gedney (1989)

Gedney (1989) considers Central and Southwestern Tai to form a subgroup, of which Northern Tai is a sister. This classification is in agreement with Haudricourt (1956).

Tai 

Northern Tai

Central Tai

Southwestern Tai

Luo (1997)

Luo Yongxian (1997:232)[15] classifies the Tai languages as follows, and proposes a fourth branch called Northwestern Tai that includes Ahom, Shan, Dehong Dai, and Khamti. All branches are considered to be coordinate to each other.

Tai 

Northern Tai

Central Tai

Southwestern Tai

Northwestern Tai

Pittayaporn (2009)

Southwestern Tai languages

Overview

Pittayawat Pittayaporn (2009) classifies the Tai languages based on clusters of shared innovations (which, individually, may be associated with more than one branch) (Pittayaporn 2009:298). In Pittayaporn's preliminary classification system of the Tai languages, Central Tai is considered to be paraphyletic and is split up into multiple branches, with the Zhuang varieties of Chongzuo in southwestern Guangxi (especially in the Zuo River valley at the border to Vietnam) having the most internal diversity. The Southwestern Tai and Northern Tai branches remain intact as in Li Fang-Kuei's 1977 classification system, and several of the Southern Zhuang languages allocated ISO codes are considered to be paraphyletic. The classification is as follows.[16]

Tai
A (Central TaiSouthwestern Tai)
E
G
K
O
Q

Southwestern Tai (Laos, Thailand, Burma)

R

Sapa (Vietnam)

P

Tay: Tày of Bảo Yên, Tày of Cao Bằng, Dai Zhuang of Wenma (文麻)

L

Nung: Yang Zhuang of Debao (德保), Yang Zhuang of Jingxi (靖西), (Western) Nung of Mường Khương District, Nong Zhuang of Wenshan City (文山), Nong Zhuang of Yanshan (砚山)

H

Lungming Zhuang, Daxin Zhuang

F

Lungchow Zhuang, Leiping Zhuang

B

Ningming Zhuang (Zuojiang Zhuang of Ningming 宁明)

C

Chongzuo Zhuang (Yongnan Zhuang of Chongzuo 崇左), Shangsi Zhuang (Yongnan Zhuang of Shangsi 上思), Caolan (Vietnam)

D (Northern Tai)
I

Qinzhou Zhuang (Yongnan Zhuang of Qinzhou 钦州)

J
M

Wuming Zhuang, Yongnan Zhuang, Long'an Zhuang, Fusui Zhuang

N

Core Northern Tai: Saek, Bouyei, Yay, Youjiang Zhuang and others

Standard Zhuang is based on the dialect of Shuangqiao (双桥), Wuming District.

Sites surveyed in Zhang (1999), subgrouped according to Pittayaporn (2009):    N,    M,    I,    C,    B,    F,    H,    L,    P

Sound changes

Distribution of Central and Northern Tai languages (Zhuang, Tay-Nung and Bouyei included)

The following phonological shifts occurred in the Q (Southwestern), N (Northern), B (Ningming), and C (Chongzuo) subgroups (Pittayaporn 2009:300–301).

Proto-Tai reflexes
Proto-Tai Subgroup Q[b] Subgroup N[c] Subgroup B Subgroup C
*ɤj, *ɤw, *ɤɰ *aj, *aw, *aɰ *i:, *u:, *ɯ: *i:, *u:, *ɯ:
*ɯj, *ɯw *iː, *uː[d] *aj, *aw[e] *iː, *uː
*we, *wo *eː, *oː *iː, *uː *eː, *oː[f] *eː, *oː[g]
*ɟm̩.r- *br- *ɟr- *ɟr-
*k.t- *tr- *tr-
*ɤn, *ɤt, *ɤc *an, *at, *ac[h]

Furthermore, the following shifts occurred at various nodes leading up to node Q.

  • E: *p.t- > *p.r-; *ɯm > *ɤm
  • G: *k.r- > *qr-
  • K: *eː, *oː > *ɛː, *ɔː
  • O: *ɤn > *on
  • Q: *kr- > *ʰr-

Edmondson (2013)

Jerold A. Edmondson's (2013)[17] computational phylogenetic analysis of the Tai languages is shown below. Tay and Nung are both shown to be coherent branches under Central Tai. Northern Tai and Southwestern Tai are also shown to be coherent branches.

Tai 

Northern Tai: Buyi, Yay, Po-Ai, Wuming Zhuang, Mashan Zhuang

Southwestern Tai: Ahom, Shan, Dehong, Tai Theeng (Nghe An), Black Tai, White Tai, Padi, Lao, Thai

Central Tai

core Central Tai: Nung Chau, Pingxiang Zhuang, Leiping Zhuang, Ningming Zhuang

Tay: Tay Bao Lac, Tay Khanh Trung, Cao Lan

Nung: Western Nung, Nung Yang, Nung An, Thu Lao

Reconstruction

Proto-Tai has been reconstructed in 1977 by Li Fang-Kuei and by Pittayawat Pittayaporn in 2009.[18]

Proto-Southwestern Tai has also been reconstructed in 1977 by Li Fang-Kuei and by Nanna L. Jonsson in 1991.[19]

Proto-Tai Pronouns[citation needed]
Proto-Tai Thai alphabet
1st singular *ku กู
dual (exclusive) *pʰɯa เผือ
plural (exclusive) *tu ตู
Incl. dual (inclusive) *ra รา
plural (inclusive) *rau เรา
2nd singular *mɯŋ มึง
dual *kʰɯa เขือ
plural *su สู
3rd singular *man มัน
dual *kʰa ขา
plural *kʰau เขา

Comparison

Tai alphabets. The phrase is kind elephant rider.

Below is comparative table of Tai languages.

English Proto-Southwestern Tai[20] Thai Lao Northern Thai Shan Tai Lü Standard Zhuang Ahom
wind *lom /lōm/ /lóm/ /lōm/ /lóm/ /lôm/ /ɣum˧˩/ lum
town *mɯaŋ /mɯ̄aŋ/ /mɯ́aŋ/ /mɯ̄aŋ/ /mɤ́ŋ/ /mɤ̂ŋ/ /mɯŋ˧/ mvng
earth *ʔdin /dīn/ /dìn/ /dīn/ /lǐn/ /dín/ /dei˧/ nin
fire *vai/aɯ /fāj/ /fáj/ /fāj/ /pʰáj/ or /fáj/ /fâj/ /fei˧˩/ phai
heart *čai/aɯ /hǔa tɕāj/ /hǔa tɕàj/ /hǔa tɕǎj/ /hǒ tsǎɰ/ /hó tɕáj/ /sim/ chau
love *rak /rák/ /hāk/ /hák/ /hâk/ /hak/ /gyai˧˩/ rak
water *naam /náːm/ /nâm/ /nám/ /nâm/ /nà̄m/ /ɣaem˦˨/ nam

Writing systems

Graphical summary of the development of Tai scripts from a Shan perspective, as reported in Sai Kam Mong's Shan Script book.

Many Southwestern Tai languages are written using Brahmi-derived alphabets. Zhuang languages are traditionally written with Chinese characters called Sawndip, and now officially written with a romanized alphabet, though the traditional writing system is still in use to this day.

See also

Notes

  1. ^ A1 designates a tone.
  2. ^ Unless indicated otherwise, all phonological shifts occurred at the primary level (node A).
  3. ^ Unless indicated otherwise, all phonological shifts occurred at the primary level (node D).
  4. ^ Also, the *ɯːk > *uːk shift occurred at node A.
  5. ^ Innovation at node N
  6. ^ For node B, the affected Proto-Tai syllable was *weː, *woː.
  7. ^ For node C, the affected Proto-Tai syllable was *weː, *woː.
  8. ^ Innovation at node J

References

Citations

  1. ^ Diller, 2008. The Tai–Kadai Languages.
  2. ^ a b c d e f Diller, Anthony; Edmondson, Jerry; Luo, Yongxian (2004). The Tai-Kadai Languages. Routledge (2004), pp. 5-6. ISBN 1135791163.
  3. ^ Ferlus, Michel (2009). Formation of Ethnonyms in Southeast Asia. 42nd International Conference on Sino-Tibetan Languages and Linguistics, Nov 2009, Chiang Mai, Thailand. 2009, p.3.
  4. ^ a b Pain, Frédéric (2008). An Introduction to Thai Ethnonymy: Examples from Shan and Northern Thai. Journal of the American Oriental Society Vol. 128, No. 4 (Oct. - Dec., 2008), p.646.
  5. ^ Edmondson, Jerold A. The power of language over the past: Tai settlement and Tai linguistics in southern China and northern Vietnam. Studies in Southeast Asian languages and linguistics, Jimmy G. Harris, Somsonge Burusphat and James E. Harris, ed. Bangkok, Thailand: Ek Phim Thai Co. Ltd. http://ling.uta.edu/~jerry/pol.pdf (see page 15)
  6. ^ Pittayaporn, Pittayawat (2014). Layers of Chinese Loanwords in Proto-Southwestern Tai as Evidence for the Dating of the Spread of Southwestern Tai. MANUSYA: Journal of Humanities, Special Issue No 20: 47–64.
  7. ^ Edmondson 2007, p. 16.
  8. ^ Zhengzhang 1991, pp. 159–168.
  9. ^ Holm 2013, pp. 784-785.
  10. ^ Behr 2002, pp. 1-2.
  11. ^ a b Behr 2002, p. 2.
  12. ^ Behr 2002, pp. 2-3.
  13. ^ Behr 2002, p. 3.
  14. ^ Haudricourt, André-Georges. 1956. De la restitution des initiales dans les langues monosyllabiques : le problème du thai commun. Bulletin de la Société de Linguistique de Paris 52. 307–322.
  15. ^ Luo, Yongxian. (1997). The subgroup structure of the Tai Languages: a historical-comparative study. Journal of Chinese Linguistics Monograph Series, (12), I-367.
  16. ^ Pittayaporn, Pittayawat. 2009. The Phonology of Proto-Tai. PhD dissertation. Department of Linguistics, Cornell University.
  17. ^ Edmondson, Jerold A. 2013. Tai subgrouping using phylogenetic estimation. Presented at the 46th International Conference on Sino-Tibetan Languages and Linguistics (ICSTLL 46), Dartmouth College, Hanover, New Hampshire, United States, August 7–10, 2013 (Session: Tai-Kadai Workshop).
  18. ^ Jonsson, Nanna L. (1991) Proto Southwestern Tai. PhD dissertation, available from UMI and SEAlang.net on http://sealang.net/crcl/proto/
  19. ^ http://language.psy.auckland.ac.nz/austronesian/language.php?id=684
  20. ^ Thai Lexicography Resources

Sources

Further reading

  • Brown, J. Marvin. From Ancient Thai to Modern Dialects. Bangkok: Social Science Association Press of Thailand, 1965.
  • Chamberlain, James R. A New Look at the Classification of the Tai Languages. [s.l: s.n, 1972.
  • Conference on Tai Phonetics and Phonology, Jimmy G. Harris, and Richard B. Noss. Tai Phonetics and Phonology. [Bangkok: Central Institute of English Language, Office of State Universities, Faculty of Science, Mahidol University, 1972.
  • Diffloth, Gérard. An Appraisal of Benedict's Views on Austroasiatic and Austro-Thai Relations. Kyoto: Center for Southeast Asian Studies, Kyoto University, 1976.
  • Đoàn, Thiện Thuật. Tay-Nung Language in the North Vietnam. [Tokyo?]: Instttute [sic] for the Study of Languages and Cultures of Asia and Africa, Tokyo University of Foreign Studies, 1996.
  • Gedney, William J. On the Thai Evidence for Austro-Thai. [S.l: s.n, 1976.
  • Gedney, William J., and Robert J. Bickner. Selected Papers on Comparative Tai Studies. Michigan papers on South and Southeast Asia, no. 29. Ann Arbor, Mich., USA: Center for South and Southeast Asian Studies, University of Michigan, 1989. ISBN 0-89148-037-4
  • Gedney, William J., Carol J. Compton, and John F. Hartmann. Papers on Tai Languages, Linguistics, and Literatures: In Honor of William J. Gedney on His 77th Birthday. Monograph series on Southeast Asia. [De Kalb]: Northern Illinois University, Center for Southeast Asian Studies, 1992. ISBN 1-877979-16-3
  • Gedney, William J., and Thomas J. Hudak. (1995). William J. Gedney's central Tai dialects: glossaries, texts, and translations. Michigan papers on South and Southeast Asia, no. 43. Ann Arbor, Mich: Center for South and Southeast Asian Studies, University of Michigan ISBN 0-89148-075-7
  • Gedney, William J., and Thomas J. Hudak. William J. Gedney's the Yay Language: Glossary, Texts, and Translations. Michigan papers on South and Southeast Asia, no. 38. Ann Arbor, Mich: Center for South and Southeast Asian Studies, University of Michigan, 1991. ISBN 0-89148-066-8
  • Gedney, William J., and Thomas J. Hudak. William J. Gedney's Southwestern Tai Dialects: Glossaries, Texts and Translations. Michigan papers on South and Southeast Asia, no. 42. [Ann Arbor, Mich.]: Center for South and Southeast Asian Studies, University of Michigan, 1994. ISBN 0-89148-074-9
  • Hudak, Thomas John. William J. Gedney's The Tai Dialect of Lungming: Glossary, Texts, and Translations. Michigan papers on South and Southeast Asia, no. 39. [Ann Arbor]: Center for South and Southeast Asian Studies, University of Michigan, 1991. ISBN 0-89148-067-6
  • Li, Fang-kuei. 1977. Handbook of Comparative Tai. Honolulu, Hawaii: University of Hawaiʼi Press.
  • Li, Fang-kuei. The Tai Dialect of Lungchow; Texts, Translations, and Glossary. Shanghai: Commercial Press, 1940.
  • Østmoe, Arne. A Germanic–Tai Linguistic Puzzle. Sino-Platonic papers, no. 64. Philadelphia, PA, USA: Dept. of Asian and Middle Eastern Studies, University of Pennsylvania, 1995.
  • Sathāban Sūn Phāsā Qangkrit. Bibliography of Tai Language Studies. [Bangkok]: Indigenous Languages of Thailand Research Project, Central Institute of English Language, Office of State Universities, 1977.
  • Shorto, H. L. Bibliographies of Mon–Khmer and Tai Linguistics. London oriental bibliographies, v. 2. London: Oxford University Press, 1963.
  • Tingsabadh, Kalaya and Arthur S. Abramson. Essays in Tai Linguistics. Bangkok: Chulalongkorn University Press, 2001. ISBN 974-347-222-3

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